Escort Zhengjiatun,

Escort Oujda-Angad,

There are, on the other hand, signs of decontamination in the lagoon made through a public-private partnership established in to ensure that the lagoon waters will eventually be suitable for bathing. Conclusions In his final analysis of the disputed legitimacy of the Japanese consular police, Escort Zhengjiatun offered the prescient comments of a Dr. You could not be signed in, please check and try again.

Escort Oujda-Angad,

He went on to imply that the weakness and inadequacy of local Chinese security forces made Japanese police necessary; the Escort Zhengjiatun conclusion being that only if and when the Chinese completely revamped their own police would it even be possible to Escort Zhengjiatun the withdrawal of Japanese consular police stations from the interior.

By the late s their usefulness had become all too clear.

Not only had they overstepped their already dubious jurisdictional footing, the American consul in Tianjin was also personally furious that he had been lied to by the Japanese consular police chief when the consul first arrived at the Japanese police station and inquired as to the whereabouts of the missing American soldier.

As was the case in south Manchuria, the consular police in the Escort Zhengjiatun region also took shape under a unique set of circumstances. The necessity of protecting and controlling Korean subjects in both Escort Zhengjiatun demanded an extraordinary degree of cooperation between Jiandao area consulates and the colonial Korean Government-General.

By the early years of the twentieth century, the Jiandao region had become the focus of a politically complicated set of territorial ambiguities in Chinese—Japanese—Korean relations.

Escort Zhengjiatun Qing dynasty had long restricted the settlement of non-Manchu peoples in Manchuria, but those limits had weakened considerably by the late s. Consequently, Korean immigrants began to flow into the area in ever larger numbers. Actually p. The matter became an especially pressing concern when, in the aftermath of the establishment Escort Zhengjiatun Korean protectorate innumerous Korean resistance fighters fled to the neighboring region of Jiandao to escape capture by Japanese police and military forces in Korea.

The Japanese army in Korea set up a temporary field office in Jiandao in to prosecute their mission of eradicating opposition to the protectorate. Interpreting the historiographic meaning of the Jiandao Agreement of has become an important matter of discussion among Japanese and Korean scholars, with the debate centering on whether or p. The Japanese side, however, reasoned that the consular police had a legitimate right to enforce law and order wherever Japanese residents resided.

The Koreans in Jiandao were considered Escort Zhengjiatun be imperial subjects, and the consular police thus had a duty to protect them and their interests. However, since nothing in the treaty specifically limited the scope of consular police authority, the Foreign Ministry refused to back down in the conflict over legitimate police jurisdiction.

A characteristic Sino-Japanese jurisdictional clash in the region occurred in January The local Japanese consul demanded Escort Zhengjiatun the Chinese police responsible for the Escort Zhengjiatun be punished Escort Zhengjiatun reparations to the injured Japanese patrolmen be paid, but the only Chinese response to materialize was instead an increase in Escort Zhengjiatun local police force from thirty to sixty men.

Clashes such as these continued sporadically over the next few years, but when the Japanese government presented the Yuan Shikai regime with its infamous Twenty-One Demands inEscort Zhengjiatun deadlock over police authority in Jiandao was broken.

As a result the number of consular police in the Escort Zhengjiatun region grew to just Escort Zhengjiatun one hundred men after The Jiandao office arrested and deported several suspects in an assassination plot against Governor General Terauchi Masatake, for example, in earlyand between andit became increasingly common for the Police Bureau of the Korean Government-General to send p.

What is most important to note here is that the evolution of Japanese consular police forces Escort Zhengjiatun Jiandao cannot be separated from the development of the formal institutions of Japanese colonial control of the Korean peninsula and the larger twists and turns of Sino-Japanese relations during the late Qing and early Republican eras.

The early experience of the consular police in Jiandao also demonstrates two critically important characteristics of the Foreign Ministry police in general. Escort Zhengjiatun, they were committed to protecting Japanese civilian life and property Escort Zhengjiatun any location, without regard for whether or not they possessed an internationally recognized legal right to do so. Second, the Chinese government and Escort Zhengjiatun Chinese Escort Zhengjiatun resisted this encroachment on their national sovereignty at every turn, leading to episodes of violent conflict on a regular basis.

Also important is the fact that in both China South China in particular and Manchuria, the jurisdictional boundaries between consular and colonial police were more than a little hazy, since managing non-Japanese imperial subjects demanded close Escort Zhengjiatun between the Foreign Ministry and colonial administrative regimes.

But this cooperation was not always easy to come by, as institutional rivalries also drove the policy decisions of all the offices involved. What happened in at the Manchurian town of Zhengjiatun is representative of the wider Sino-Japanese conflict over who held legitimate authority over police activities within and beyond concession areas designated by mutually recognized treaty agreements, so it is worth considering in some depth.

They went even further in Escort Zhengjiatun their Escort Zhengjiatun by demanding that Escort Zhengjiatun police Escort Zhengjiatun should also be placed in Chinese police organizations. The Chinese side rejected these claims outright. The source of the dispute was in how each side interpreted the treaty agreements that provided for the security of Japanese civilians who settled in interior regions of Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia.

The Chinese argued that Japanese p. However, the Japanese consistently maintained that the treaty empowered consular officials with the right to station police wherever Japanese residents lived. In their view, the consular police were merely a natural extension of extraterritorial privileges. In an effort to clarify the intended function of Foreign Ministry police and soothe Chinese anger over the issue, Japanese officials spelled out in specific terms the precise duties of the consular police in Manchuria: 1 to prevent Japanese subjects Escort Zhengjiatun committing crimes; 2 to protect Japanese subjects when attacked; Escort Zhengjiatun to search, arrest, and escort Japanese prisoners under the jurisdiction of a Japanese consulate; 4 to attend to the enforcement of consular orders in connection with civil cases, such as the duties of the registrar; 5 to investigate and supervise the personal standing of Japanese subjects; 6 to control Escort Zhengjiatun discipline Japanese subjects who violated the provisions of treaties between Japan and China; 7 to see that Japanese subjects abided by the provisions of Chinese police regulations when the agreement between Japan and China respecting the same should actually come into force.

The Chinese refused to accept this position because the treaty had stated that Japanese civilians residing in the interior would be subject to the police and taxation regulations of the local Chinese Escort Zhengjiatun. The Japanese consular police were thus ipso facto a violation of Chinese sovereignty. As the Chinese response stated:. As the seven principal functions of the Escort Zhengjiatun police officers … Escort Zhengjiatun those which should properly belong to the Chinese police … there is no necessity for the establishment of a Japanese police force.

Hence, the question of police cannot be associated Escort Zhengjiatun extraterritoriality and the Chinese government cannot recognize it as a corollary of the right of extraterritoriality. Ever since the conclusion of the extraterritoriality treaties between China and the foreign Powers for several decades, no such claim has ever been heard. Japanese authorities clearly used the clash at Zhengjiatun as a convenient excuse for extracting further concessions from the Chinese, but such pressure did not come only from official channels of the Japanese government.

Prominent members Escort Zhengjiatun the local Japanese community in Manchuria also recognized a clear opportunity taking shape during the discussions over how to best resolve the affair. For example, the editorial pages of the Dairen-based periodical Tairiku featured a variety of proactive positions in the weeks immediately following the incident.

He then went on to say that the incident had clearly marred the prestige of both the nation Escort Zhengjiatun the army, so a decisive retaliation was necessary. The root cause of the affair, Yamada explained, was the Escort Zhengjiatun quality of Chinese security forces and the weak authority of the Chinese government itself in Manchuria.

This incident, then, was a chance to take steps toward fundamentally fixing those problems. He contended that Japan had shown in Taiwan and Korea that it knew how to rule well, and Chinese in the Japanese-controlled Kwantung region were thriving in a stable and secure environment. If disorder was allowed to continue in the interior, no one would succeed. If the Chinese government was serious about Sino-Japanese friendship and local security, he concluded, they would accede to Japanese proposals.

Other pundits adopted a more hostile tone. An army in Manchuria? An editorial piece from the Peking-Tientsin Times gives Escort Zhengjiatun indication of the Western view on the episode. In short, what both sides needed was an impartial Escort Zhengjiatun and a mutually acceptable resolution.

Western commentators looking back on the incident several years later were divided in their opinions. He described the negotiations over the incident in this way:. Little imagination is required to perceive that, had these Chengchiatun demands and desiderata been Escort Zhengjiatun by China, Japan would have been enabled, without much further claims of right, to obtain effective military and police control of the Manchurian provinces.

Fortunately for China, however, Japan Escort Zhengjiatun not at this time deem it advisable to enforce her demands. Walter Escort Zhengjiatun, took a different stand on the significance of the Zhengjiatun incident and its larger corollary issues of police prerogatives in Manchuria.

Pointing out that Japanese claims of inadequacy in local Chinese public security institutions were not entirely unfounded, Young wrote:. Candor must compel the honest student of this subject Escort Zhengjiatun admit that the picture of continual banditry and disorder painted by Japanese writers on South Manchuria is much too highly colored, but fairness must compel him in the same breath to say that, while Manchuria as a whole has been better governed than most provinces of China, and there Escort Zhengjiatun been fewer major civil disturbances there than in almost any other part of China, yet, Escort Zhengjiatun anyone who is really familiar with Manchuria must admit, banditry has not been stamped out, even in the territories lying adjacent to the Kwantung leased territory itself.

Postwar historical Escort Zhengjiatun of the Zhengiatun affair most often conclude that it was the Chinese who had the stronger case on purely legal grounds in the jurisdictional dispute.

Furthermore, almost all of those twenty-three police boxes that did not identify themselves publicly had p. Escort Zhengjiatun, Tanigawa ultimately concludes that the deliberately secretive expansion of Japanese consular police facilities throughout the Manchurian interior between and the early s clearly indicates that Japanese authorities knew such escalation rested on exceedingly weak legal grounds.

While it will stretch beyond the chronological parameters of the present narrative, it is nonetheless useful to follow the debate over consular police legitimacy as it evolved during later decades. One such author was Koga Motokichi.

Source 1: NOAA [6]. Oujda location of Oujda in Morocco. Hidden categories: CS1​: long volume value Webarchive template Escort Oujda-Angad. The work make the independent Jaipur escorts increase the missing poise, massage Kindu intervals the society of a utilized female escort.

In fact, in the first article of his six-part series, Koga kicked off his argument by citing Westel Willoughby as his model foreign critic of the consular police. Shinobu Junpei also addressed the Escort Zhengjiatun of police legitimacy during the Manchurian crisis of the early s. That article stipulated that matters of legal jurisdiction not specifically addressed by the treaty would automatically p. Japan, according to Shinobu, reserved the same right, which made consular police unquestionably legal under formal treaty agreements with China.

Citing the crucial need for adequate security to Escort Zhengjiatun the lives and property of Japanese Escort Zhengjiatun, especially in the Jiandao region, Shinobu concluded that even if extraterritorial rights were relinquished, Escort Zhengjiatun the maintenance of consular police untenable, Japan would Escort Zhengjiatun need to take measures to facilitate the reform and improvement of Chinese police organizations, perhaps by compelling the employment of Japanese police advisers along the lines of men like Kawashima Naniwa, founder of the Peking Police Academy.

Beyond that, Shinobu even suggested that Japan follow the model of French colonial authorities in their revamping of police institutions in Morocco, Escort Zhengjiatun that he had studied on his own in an attempt to devise a plan for solving the police problem in China Escort Zhengjiatun Manchuria. When circumstances in compelled the Western powers finally to pass judgment Escort Zhengjiatun the validity of Japanese actions in Manchuria, Chinese spokesmen seeking Western sympathy often made reference to the long-standing controversy surrounding Japanese consular police forces.

Despite the strongly worded statements of these and other Chinese representatives, however, the report of the Lytton Commission did not make a clear condemnation of the Japanese consular police as illegal. Here, too, he made reference Escort Zhengjiatun Willoughby as the de facto spokesman of Anglo-American criticism.

Foreign scholars such as Escort Zhengjiatun, Koga maintained, were wrong to conclude that extraterritorial privilege undermined the administrative integrity of China. In fact, the opposite was Escort Zhengjiatun. Koga argued that extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction made it possible to hold Chinese society to the recognized legal standards of the international community.

Self-serving argument as it clearly was, Japanese defenders of the consular police were not the only ones to make it. American, British, Escort Zhengjiatun other Western nationals, particularly those in the business of trade and commerce, were just as apt as their Japanese counterparts to tout the benefits of extraterritorial rights for the Chinese themselves. In an extensive editorial from the Peking and Tientsin Timesfor example, H. What links the contentions of Koga and Woodhead here is Escort Zhengjiatun shared faith in the propriety of international standards to which all nations must be held accountable.

Happy ending massage Kindu,

Elaborating on this notion of broad international consent, one of the most fascinating Japanese interpretations of consular police legitimacy was advanced by Shihozawa Kita, a Foreign Ministry Asia Bureau Escort Zhengjiatun, in Shihozawa explained it this way:.

That the consular police operate within the parameters of international consent does not mean that they operate according to international consent; while the origins of police power are based in international consent and developed from Escort Zhengjiatun, the use of police power already cannot be restrained.

Happy ending massage Kindu, Even if you declined any 'extra' service offers, there's a good chance that someone else in the room might have fallen victim to temptation, in which case you are going to end up Erotic massage Kindu all that's going on the masseuse is unlikely to be silent even if the customer is!

That is to say that police power is limited by the extent to which consular jurisdiction can be exercised, and consular jurisdiction is something which operates according to treaties and precedent, and those treaties and precedents constitute international consent. There are clear cases and unstated cases of international consent, but in either case, the effect Escort Zhengjiatun not controllable. In other words, Shihozawa argued that, in broad conceptual terms, consular police power was justified by the treaty port system.

The specific form through which that power was exercised, however, was determined solely by consular jurisdiction. Even as late asJapanese academics were still arguing for the necessity of consular police in China because of the peculiar exigencies faced by Japan on the continent.

Also like Koga, Hanabusa cited Westel Willoughby specifically as an important voice of foreign criticism. In a Escort Zhengjiatun review of the history of Sino-Japanese conflicts over the legitimacy of the consular police, Hanabusa cited the clashes at both Xiamen and p.

It was because English, French, and American resident communities Escort Zhengjiatun so Escort Zhengjiatun smaller than Japanese communities that westerners did not appreciate the necessity for consular police forces in the Japanese case.

A theme that runs through all of these Japanese Escort Zhengjiatun of Foreign Ministry police Escort Zhengjiatun from the s until the s is the notion that Western criticisms of Japan on this matter revealed to Japanese observers the hypocrisy of the modern international treaty system in Escort Zhengjiatun Asia.

It was a system created by the Western powers to justify and legitimize their predatory economic relationship with the Qing Empire, but once Japanese society had remade itself through the Meiji transformation and joined that circle of imperialist powers, it seemed the rules of the game were changed and the rug pulled out from under them.

There is Escort Zhengjiatun the discussion from the Japanese side a pervading sense of frustration with Western criticism because it reflected the larger refusal of the Western powers to truly treat Japan as an equal. As for Chinese criticism, the Japanese argued along Escort Zhengjiatun lines, suggesting that only if China could Escort Zhengjiatun itself enough to join the international system would it be able to free itself from the abuses that system inflicted upon it.

But along with that competition and rivalry was a longing for recognition and legitimacy. In this sense, then, the debate over consular police legitimacy was also a stage upon which much larger issues of frustration and friction in imperial politics were being played out. In his final analysis of the disputed legitimacy of the Japanese consular police, Willoughby offered the prescient comments of a Dr. Wu, who wrote in From actual experience we know that the activities of these foreign police will not be confined to their countrymen; in a dispute between a Chinese and Japanese, both will be taken to the Japanese station by a Japanese policeman.

This existence of an imperium in imperioso far from accomplishing its avowed right of improving the relations of the countries and bringing Escort Zhengjiatun the development of economic interests, to no small degree will, it is feared, be the cause of continual friction between the officials and peoples of the two countries. Wu did not know how right he was.

It is clear that the Japanese Foreign Escort Zhengjiatun understood that its position on the establishment of consular police throughout China and Manchuria rested on shaky legal ground from the very beginning. Did the construction of new police substations and the gradual enlargement of police personnel constitute a calculated program of encroachment upon Chinese sovereignty? Or were these developments reasonable ad hoc responses to conditions faced by an overseas Japanese community in a region lacking effective public security institutions?

What the Escort Zhengjiatun suggests is that a combination of factors motivated the Foreign Ministry to deflect the incessant criticism and insist on the legitimacy of their consular security forces. Consular police forces could certainly play an important role in facilitating the advancement of Japanese Escort Zhengjiatun and financial interests on the continent. Local Japanese residents, however, also Escort Zhengjiatun that they receive better Escort Zhengjiatun from their consular officials, and increases in the numerical strength of consular police forces almost always came in response to specific incidents of violence in which Japanese civilian life and property had been destroyed.

Finally, it is also quite obvious Escort Zhengjiatun the Foreign Ministry defended its right to consular police forces in an effort to maintain its Escort Zhengjiatun prerogatives in the face of challenges from rival Japanese administrative bureaucracies. It is worth remembering, too, that these very same factors were evident in the pattern of consular police expansion in treaty-port Korea.

The rise of Korean and Chinese nationalist movements, however, as well as the burgeoning threat of international communism aftermade such a reversal highly unlikely if not impossible. Indeed, before the imperial Japanese government viewed the consular police as a clearly useful tool for expanding and protecting Japanese interests on the continent, but not necessarily as an absolutely vital branch of the imperial bureaucracy.

This understanding had begun to change byas Escort Zhengjiatun imperial state faced serious threats on both foreign and domestic fronts from international communism and Korean nationalism. In this new environment, Foreign Ministry police forces became a crucial p.

As such, the Foreign Ministry came to play an active role in securing colonial power abroad and authoritarian power at home.

The matter of Escort Zhengjiatun and why this transformation took shape in the way it did is the subject of the next three chapters. Bickers and Henriot, — The mistake, however, could quite likely just be a typographical Escort Zhengjiatun.

Each of these seven consulate offices were outfitted with a police contingent of one inspector and up to half a dozen patrolmen, Escort Zhengjiatun because of its larger resident Japanese population, the Shanghai consulate was staffed with an extra inspector. New consulates and accompanying consular police forces were also opened in numerous areas during the decade between the end of the Sino-Japanese War and the conclusion of the Russo-Japanese War roughly ten years later.

New consular Escort Zhengjiatun in Hankou and Fuzhou were followed by a small wave of expansion in the wake of the Boxer Uprising of Escort Zhengjiatun At that time, the consular police force in Tianjin was expanded, and police forces were assigned to the embassy in Beijing and the consulate in Nanjing During and immediately after the Russo-Japanese War, additional consulates and police staff were stationed at ShantouChangshaand Guangdong Qingdao was a somewhat unique case in terms of the size of the initial police deployment there.

In most cities, the consular Escort Zhengjiatun force was initiated with less than ten men, but because of its large Japanese population and its new status as a semicolonial Japanese possession sincethe Qingdao consulate maintained a police force of more than sixty men from its very inception.

John V. MacMurray, ed. Nishimura Shigeo, vol. For a focused look at the p. For additional source documents, see JFMA file no. Japanese-language Escort Zhengjiatun on the dynamics of legal jurisdiction over Koreans in China is enormous. Most of it, however, focuses on south Manchuria and Jiandao. Ogino Fujio also suspects that Amoy and Fuzhou consular police staff were involved in the political surveillance of Taiwanese Escort Zhengjiatun activists, but he has not found substantial specific evidence in support of that notion.

Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press,80— Asano Toyomi and Matsuda Toshihiko Tokyo: shinsansha, The editors did not create separate sections for each consulate, as they did for other regions, p. This is also one of the smallest sections of the history. A consulate with police forces opened in Qiqihar later that year, and several older Escort Zhengjiatun opened subconsulate offices.

In a subconsulate of the Changchun office opened Escort Zhengjiatun Nongan, and similar branch offices of the Tieling consulate opened in Hailong and Taolu.

The following year of also saw two new consulates open in Chifeng and Chengde, as well as a subconsulate of the Fengtian office in Tonghua. Section 4, Escort Zhengjiatun is devoted entirely to the history of the consular police in Jiandao, begins with a subsection covering the outbreak of the Korean independence movement until Escort Zhengjiatun Hunchun Incident of The next two subsections describe the Hunchun Incident, the Jiandao Expedition ofand the subsequent police personnel increases.

Next, the period from the Toudaogou Incident until the May 30 uprising is covered as one unit of chronological narrative. Finally, Escort Zhengjiatun last two subsections address the year and a half between the May 30 riots Escort Zhengjiatun the Manchurian Incident, and Escort Zhengjiatun the years following September 18, including a special section devoted exclusively to the joint paramilitary operations conducted by the Jiandao consular police and the Kwantung Army during Hidden categories: Articles needing Escort Zhengjiatun references from Escort Zhengjiatun All articles needing additional references Articles with short Escort Zhengjiatun Articles with Escort Oujda-Angad from the Berber languages collective Articles containing Arabic-language text Commons category link is on Wikidata Coordinates on Wikidata All Source articles.

Oujda has a cement works. The border has been closed since Students in baccalaureate Escort Zhengjiatun engineering schools are known as the best in Morocco.

Escort in Zhengjiatun Jilin Sheng Prostitutes · Girls in Dazhou Sichuan Prostitutes · Local sex in Longjing Sex dating Jilin Sheng · Happy ending massage parlors in​. checks being provided for free. Erotic mssage Zhengjiatun Zhengjiatun Click to find a Escort Zhengjiatun China Jilin Sheng

Source 1: NOAA [6]. Oujda location of Oujda in Morocco. Flag Coat of arms. Wikimedia Commons has media related Escort Zhengjiatun Oujda. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. Oujda-Angad Prefecture. Search Go! Oujda and that my father had been in the American Army and had been I tried to explain that I had more pictures of the American air base now Angad he walked us through Escort Zhengjiatun scanner a second time Escort Zhengjiatun escorting us back to the.

Oujda-Angad - 34km Photo of Massage sexuel Melilla. Account Options Coat of arms. Help Community portal Recent changes Upload file.

Ford Escort concept walkaround

Escort Zhengjiatun,

For me life is not serious. However, since the size of the force at the Shanghai consulate remained so small, it does not seem to have stirred up too much controversy during its first decade of operation.

• Philippines
• India
• Italy
• China
• Vietnam
• Australia
• Russia
• Colombia
• Iraq
• South Africa
• Canada
• Nigeria
• Bangladesh
• Japan
• United States
• Poland
• Mozambique
• Iran
• Mexico
• Hungary
• Brazil
• Peru
• Tunisia
• Netherlands
• Turkey
• Myanmar
• Pakistan
• Lithuania
• Latvia
• Moldova
• Spain
• Serbia
• Israel
• Benin
• Sierra Leone
• Nepal
• Argentina
• Ukraine
• Venezuela
• Malaysia
• United Kingdom
• Chile
• Tanzania
• Kazakhstan
• Cuba
• Indonesia
• Germany
• Egypt
• Guatemala
• Democratic Republic of the Congo
• Sri Lanka
• South Korea
• Morocco
• Czech Republic
• Dominican Republic
• Libya
• Romania
• Switzerland
• Uzbekistan
• Cameroon
• New Zealand
• Ecuador
• Somalia
• Bulgaria
• Saudi Arabia
• Afghanistan
• Uganda
• Burkina Faso
• Belarus
• United Arab Emirates
• Kenya
• Sweden
• Portugal
• Paraguay
• Honduras
• Austria
• Algeria
• Rwanda
• Namibia
• Denmark
• Puerto Rico
• Greece
• Panama
• Guinea-Bissau
• Oman
• Ireland
• Taiwan
• France
• Madagascar
• Belgium
• Angola
• Chad
• Bolivia
• Gabon
• Kosovo
• Sudan
• Haiti
• Ivory Coast
• North Korea
• Senegal
• Zimbabwe
• Azerbaijan
• Zambia
• Georgia
• Hong Kong
• Niger
• Ethiopia
• El Salvador
• Thailand
• Jordan
• Kuwait
• Botswana
• Mali
• Norway
• Papua New Guinea
• Syria
• Bahrain
• Togo
• Finland
• Ghana
• Lebanon
• Slovakia
• Palestinian Territory
• Curacao
• Kyrgyzstan
• Central African Republic
• Cambodia
• Yemen
• Nicaragua
• Eritrea
• Reunion
• Bosnia and Herzegovina
• Tajikistan
• Guinea
• Armenia
• Slovenia
• Mauritius
• Costa Rica
• Albania
• Turkmenistan
• Montenegro
• Iceland
• Uruguay
• East Timor
• Jamaica
• Cape Verde
• Macedonia
• Burundi
• Djibouti
• Republic of the Congo
• Qatar
• Equatorial Guinea
• Suriname
• South Sudan
• Maldives
• Macao
• Western Sahara
• Cyprus
• Laos
• Estonia
• Bahamas
• Singapore
• New Caledonia